Apparatus XY

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Notes

• 1) The author wishes to thank Elizabeth Lunbeck and especially Alan S. Yang for their careful and insightful comments on earlier versions of this research article, which is a slightly revised version of an earlier paper that first appeared under the same title in the Journal of the North Carolina Association of Historians, vol. 16 (2008): 35-76
• 2) I am referring to an extensive body of scholarship that analyzes the writings of the early sexologists without distinguishing "medicine" from "science" in a sufficiently explicit manner. Most historians, for example, interpret Richard v. Krafft-Ebing's degenerationist view of homosexuality the same way they interpret Havelock Ellis' writings on sexual inversion, and it is my intention in the following pages to demonstrate the problem with this de-contextualized method of analyzing historical sources. Oftentimes, historians erroneously characterize the writings of the turn-of-the-twentieth-century sexologists merely as a "medical" discourse. I will show that it is more correct to identify the work of some sexologists as constituting a "scientific" discourse, even if they received medical training. For the body of historical scholarship that I am challenging, see Angelides; Banner, esp. pp. 118-23; Bland and Doan; Bullough; Chauncey 1989, 1994; Crozier 2000; D'Emilio and Freedman, esp. pp. 171-235; Dixon 1997, 2001; Duggan 1993, 2000, esp. chap. 6; Faderman, 1978, 1981, 1992; Garber; Greenburg, esp. pp. 397-433; Hatheway; Katz, esp. pp. 137-74; Newton; Rosario 1997, 2002; Smith-Rosenberg, esp. pp. 245-96; Somerville; Terry; Weeks, 1977, 1981, esp. pp. 96-121, and 1985, esp. pp. 61-95; Eder, Hall, and Kemka. For more literary-oriented accounts, which are even less sensitive to the distinction between medicine and science, see, for example, Breger; Doan and Prosser; Halberstam; Noble; Prosser. More sensitive approaches can be found in Conrad and Schneider, pp. 172-214; Crozier 2008; Hansen; Herm; Schmidt; and Sengoopta.
• 3) See n. 2 above. The only exception that I have come across is an endnote in Lunbeck. Lunbeck shows how historians have tended to overlook sociologically-oriented sexual scientists and only rely on the writings of medical experts, or vice versa, when discussing sexologists' view of homosexuality. Thus, in comparison to the scholars cited above, Lunbeck is much more attuned to the delicate boundaries of science and medicine in sexology. See Lunbeck, pp. 410-411, n. 2. Although Oosterhuis does a promising job in contextualizing Krafft-Ebing's work against a historical background of psychiatric professionalization, by focusing on medicine alone Oosterhuis also does not explicitly acknowledge the complicated relationships between science and medicine in turn-of-the-twentieth-century sexology. Likewise, by focusing on science alone LeVay is similarly a one-sided account. Sengoopta might be the only other exception that adequately approaches the relation between science and medicine in fin-de-siecle central Europe, but Sengoopta focuses on Hirschfeld and primarily on the ways his biomedical theory of homosexuality interacted with Eugen Steinach's work. It is my intention in these pages to emphasize the sexological enterprises of Hirschfeld and other early twentieth-century sexual scientists (rather than their theories of sexuality), and, accordingly, to illuminate the differences between this "scientific" undertaking from the late nineteenth-century "medical" discourse of sexual pathologization.
• 4) I have intentionally excluded Freud from my analysis primarily because Freud had never identified himself as a sexologist: he was trained as a neurologist, became the founding father of psychoanalysis, and was ambitious enough to see his project as always larger than a systematic scientific study of sexuality. Though many historians regard Freud as one of the most influential turn-of-the-twentieth-century sexologists, others have made the careful differentiation. C.f. Zaretsky; Sulloway, chap. 8.
• 5) The most notable exception to my periodization is Albert Moll, whom I group under the first-wave sexologists in this paper. Moll was actually very much involved in the second wave sexological movement, and, next to Hirschfeld and Iwan Bloch, was considered by many as one of the "founding fathers" of modern sexual science. By the early twentieth century, he became an explicit opponent of Freud and Hirschfeld and established the International Society for Sex Research in 1913 as a rival organization to Hirschfeld and Bloch's Medical Society for Sexology. It should be noted that my periodization does not completely ignore the impact of non-medical sexological authors, such as John Addington Symonds and Edward Carpenter. Their influences take a particular presence in the second stage of my periodization: see section 3 below on "sexological impulse, 1900-1920."
• 6) On Freudian legacy, see, for example, Ackerknecht 1968, chap. 10, and 1982, p. 207; Alexander and Selesnick, pp. 181-265; Duffin, pp. 286-8; Harrington, p. 252; Kennedy, p. 401; Lunbeck; Millon, chap. 7; Porter 1999, pp. 514-9, and 2002, pp. 183-98; Shorter, chap. 5.
• 7) One should note that, apart from Moll, none of the earlier psychiatrists who wrote about sexual pathology from a medical perspective exclusively participated in this "new generation" of sexology, the formation of which largely depended on something similar to the three technologies of scientific disciplinization that Steven Shapin and Simon Schaffer referred to in their famous work on the debate between Thomas Hobbes and Robert Boyle over the air pump (namely, a material technology, a literary technology, and a social technology). For the specific definition of each as used in the context of the debate, see Shapin and Schaffar, pp. 25-6.
• 8) See e.g. Goldstein, chap. 3; Zilboorg and Henry, chap. 8. In fact, historians debate over the role of the asylum "mad-doctors" as humane moral reformers or authorities who were more concerned with social control than disease treatment. This somewhat dated historiographical debate, however, rests outside the scope of this paper. For a recent set of essays that reviews and attempts to open up new research directions in the history of psychiatry, see Scull.
• 9) Ackerknecht 1968, 1982, p. 205; and Goldstein. Alternatively, Shorter, chap. 3, maintains that German psychiatry strictly dominated the entire 19th century.
• 10) On Maudsley's emphasis on the somatic aspects of mental organization, see also Maudsley 1902, 1916.
• 11) 1899 was the year of publication of the sixth and the first definitive edition of his seminal textbook Clinical Psychiatry.
• 12) Krafft-Ebing authored a number of significant writings on sexuality before Psychopathia Sexualis. See e.g. Krafft-Ebing 1877.
• 13) Oosterhuis' biography of Krafft-Ebing is perhaps the only exception to this generalization. Oosterhuis, however, focuses on the emergence of "sexual identity"; whereas in this paper, I am trying to contextualize Krafft-Ebing's contribution within the larger discourse of early sexology in order to make claims about the emergence of "sexual freedom," beyond "sexual identity." Nonetheless, my work should be viewed as complementing Oosterhuis' work, rather than challenging it.
• 14) For a list of new sexual vocabularies developed in the final decades of the nineteenth century, see Oosterhuis, pp. 44-5.
• 15) On the distinction between therapeutic principle and therapeutic theory, see Warner, p. 5.
• 16) For an account of how psychoanalysis dominated the American psychiatric practice starting especially from the 1930s and 1940s, see, for example, Alexander and Selescnick, pp. 181-265; Shorter, pp. 170-81; Starr, p. 345; and Zaretsky, chap. 11.
• 17) Ellis 1906. The first English edition was published as the first volume of the Studies in 1897, the second in 1901 as the second volume. The manuscript was translated into German by Hans Kurella and published in Leipzig in 1896 with J. A. Symonds' name included as the co-author. See Ellis and Symonds.
• 18) John Addington Symonds to Havelock Ellis, Am Hof, Davos Platz, Switzerland, 20 June 1892, in Schueller and Peters, vol. 3 (1969), pp. 693-4. On Havelock Ellis, see Brome; Calder-Marshall; Collis; Draznin; Goldberg; Grosskurth; Robinson; and Rowbotham and Weeks. On John A. Symonds, I have relied on Pemble; Robinson; and Schueller and Peters. On Edward Carpenter, I have read Beith; Carpenter; Crosby; Mrs. Havelock Ellis; Lewis; Tsuzuki; and Rowbotham and Weeks.
• 19) Charlottenburg is a district in Berlin where Hirschfeld resided.
• 20) Hirschfeld, "Das" (1904). Hirschfeld reported these numbers later again in Hirschfeld 2000, pp. 544-5 and 553-7. The first edition of this monograph was published in German in 1914, the second in 1920. These numbers are also cited in LeVay, pp. 25-6; and Wolff, pp. 58-9.
• 21) For a more detailed biographical account, see Wolff; and Dose.
• 22) On Ellis' updating of his Studies, see also Crozier 2000, pp. 456-460.
• 23) Ellis 1936, pp. 3, 4, 9, 13, 24, 27, 28, 35, 60, 61, 62, 72, 73, 83, 86, 90, 91, 196, 203, 210, 251, 255, 256, 261, 263, 265, 268, 273, 278, 280, 282, 284, 287, 289, 292, 301, 309, 315, 316, 320, 323, 325, 330, 331, 332, 334, 335, 341, and 353. According to my count, Ellis has cited Hirschfeld exactly forty-nine times in this third edition. Cf. Ellis 1906.
• 24) On Hirschfeld's Institute, see also Dose.
• 25) John Addington Symonds to Edward Carpenter, Am Hof, Davos Platz, Switzerland, 29 December 1892, in Schueller and Peters, vol. 3 (1969), p. 797.
• 26) Ellis 1906, p. 202. It is also worth emphasizing here that the language of psychiatric discourse was no longer framed merely in terms of madness or insanity. As Elizabeth Lunbeck has demonstrated, at the dawn of the twentieth century, "Most significant was psychiatry's abandonment of the distinction between sane and insane that had structured nineteenth-century practice, and its concomitant reorganization around a metric concept of the normal. By the 1920s, the metric mode of thinking that psychiatrists first elaborated around psychopathy would be dominant within, and beyond, the discipline. The psychiatric point of view no longer dichotomously classed individuals as sane or insane but arrayed them on a scale, assessing their variations from what was thought normal" (306).
• 27) Ellis 1906, p. 214. See also Crozier 2000, 2001.
• 28) LeVay, p. 25; Wolff, p. 43. For more on the early German homosexual movement, see Fout; Lauritsen and Thorstad; Steakley; Oosterhuis and Kennedy.
• 29) I use "archeology" in the way that Foucault uses the term, the object of which I take to be discursive formations or knowledge ("savoir"). See Foucault 1972, esp. chap. 5. See also Davidson, chap. 8.
• 30) Members of the early twentieth-century birth control movement emphasized that they were advocating for "birth control" (or "contraception") and not necessarily "abortion." The existing body of literature on the history of birth control is extensive. I have primarily relied on Brodie; Degler; Gordon 1990, 1992; Mohr; Reed 1978; Tone. I am aware that my following discussion is concerned with middle-class women almost exclusively as opposed to working-class women, whose history of sexual episteme, of course, deserves explication in its own right.
• 31) This statement supports Carroll Smith-Rosenberg's claim that "To the later generations of New Women the new sexual vocabulary offered by Havelock Ellis and other liberal male sex reformers appeared as congenial-at times more congenial than the rallying cries of the older political feminists" (284). On the relationship between the New Woman and sexuality, see also Hall; Newton.
• 32) On female same-sex relationships in the Victorian English speaking world, see Smith-Rosenberg; Marcus.
• 33) Using Victoria Woodhull as an example, Ellen DuBois directly challenges Cott's interpretation: "As for female sexuality per se, Woodhull …believed in the existence, desirability and healthfulness of sexual passion, in women as well as men. She wholeheartedly refuted the doctrine of passionlessness which she called 'that unnatural lie,' by this time an idea that challenged male sexuality as well as female." On free love, see also Passet; Sears; and Stoehr. Jesse F. Battan's work (1992, 2004) on nineteenth-century free love focuses on the importance and power of language. On free love in the context of the lives of cultural anthropologists Margaret Mead and Ruth Benedict, see Banner, esp. pp. 136 and 148.